Filipinos Shelter Jews During WWII

World War II was a time when Jews were trying to get out of Germany as quickly as possible. Many places were not welcoming of them and finding refuge was hard to come by. Since the Nazi government declared large massacres against the Jews, they really had no way out.

In the late 1930’s, a cigar manufacturer from Cincinnati named Alex Frieder was residing in the Philippines. After seeing Jewish refugees stranded at the ports of the Philippines, he and his three brothers created the Jewish Refugee Committee. Frieder and his brothers convinced their close friend, first Commonwealth of the Philippines president, Manuel L. Quezon, to allow these refugees the right to obtain a passport and a visa to enter the Philippines. This resulted in 1,200 German and Austrian Jewish refugees residing in the Philippines.

During the era of the Philippine Commonwealth (1935-1946), many Jewish refugees from Europe safely found shelter in Manila. These Jewish refugees that escaped from Europe marked the last major immigration of Jews to the Philippines. Before World War II, there were signs of Jewish people from the Jews of Spain. Jewish people in the Philippines traced back to the 16^th century even. The first Jews that arrived in the Philippines around this time were Shanghai Jews. Later, the German Jews found protection in Manila, and word got back to The Refugee Economic Corporation in New York. This led to the distribution of relief through funds from the American Jewish community to the German Jews in Manila.

A lot of discussion went between the Refugee Economic Corporation (REC) and the High Commissioner of the Philippines, McNutt, inquiring the allowance of these German Jewish families to settle in the Philippines. McNutt and the Commonwealth officials were sympathetic and allowed the REC to work with the Commonwealth in aiding these Jewish refugees. Commissioner McNutt only wanted the best for the Philippines so future immigration plans were changed to receive refugees that helped to the overall well being of the country.

After much debate and compromise, the first wave of immigrants that came under the McNutt-Frieder program arrived in Manila in September of 1938. With this first wave of immigration was the arrival of a German Rabbi. He was the first ordained rabbi to ever reside in the Philippines. After this, the Jewish community in Manila received more families of immigrants and by May of 1939, the Philippine Jewish Community grew by 750 more refugees, resulting in a population over 1000 Jews in Manila.

By: N.N.

Sources: http://us_asians.tripod.com/timeline-1930.html

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/asianamericanartistry/message/5587

http://www.history.ucsb.edu/faculty/marcuse/classes/233ab/zbaszynmanila/HarrisCysnerZbaszynManila.htm

Manongs and Their Vices

Although the manong generation was sincere in their attempts to make a living and an honest name for Filipinos in America, as well as abroad, they were the unlucky victims of several vices that crippled their abilities to obtain success. They gave into several temptations including gambling, prostitution, and illegal cockfights. These types of activities provided them with temporary satisfaction –quick money, quick love, and entertainment. The Filipino community that migrated to the States was made up mostly of single, uneducated men, with little or no relatives to rely on (Melendy). So, it is easy to understand why the first Filipinos had such a hard time resisting temptation.


It is no secret that Filipinos get involved with gambling. It is every gambler’s dream to hit the jackpot and go home as the big winner for the evening. But this dream is very few people’s realities. With the hardships the first Filipinos faced when coming to America, gambling seemed like the most viable option since they were being paid with such little wages. They made promises to those back home that they would return with the financial means necessary for supporting their families. The stress of returning to the Philippines successful and rich pressured several men to make poor choices. They hoped to strike gold when betting on boxing matches, horse races, cockfights, poker, blackjack, and dice. They would blow their wages on bets that would give them little in return.

Prostitution was another activity that Filipinos would get involved in. With few Filipinas who journeyed to America, girlfriends and wives thousands of miles away, laws prohibiting interracial marriage, and violence being a result of being seen with a white American woman, many men resorted to the illicit act of prostitution to get their sexual needs met. Many would go to taxi-dance halls, and spend their wages on lap dances from dancers. Some would get a little more for the right price. Prostitution and the attention received from a female solved the problem of loneliness and made the manongs feel wanted and desired in a country where they were being treated poorly. It gave them a false sense of acceptance.

During the 1930s, the manongs increased the profits of Stockton gambling operators and prostitutes by about $2 million annually (Melendy). Although dishonest, it was a lucrative business for many cities and states that were inhabited by Filipinos.

In addition to gambling and prostitution, cockfights were a source of entertainment and leisurely activity. Cockfights (also known as sabong) are very popular in the Philippines. It is even considered one of the Philippines’ national sports. Some forms of cockfights are legal when they are held in official cockpits. The manongs brought cockfighting to America as a means of entertainment and saw it as a betting sport, another way to earn a quick buck.

The vices that several manongs possessed profoundly impact Filipinos in America and the Philippines. It brings to light that gambling is still a major problem that Filipinos face today. It is a huge business in the Philippines, some legal and some illegal. Several Gambler Anonymous groups meet weekly. Sadly, but thankfully at the same time, many of the attendees are Filipinos. It is discouraging to see the statistics reflect the problems Filipinos have, but it is also comforting to see that many are seeking help to kick the habit.

Written by: LD

Source:
http://www.everyculture.com/multi/Du-Ha/Filipino-Americans.html
http://www.sacbee.com/ourregion/story/1681279-p4.html
http://www.flickr.com/photos/15693951@N00/516528653/

Filipino Immigrants and The Great Depression

In the decade before World War II, there was a worldwide economic depression known as The Great Depression. In most countries, it began in 1929, but was prominent in the 1930s and 1940s. The depression began in the United States on Black Tuesday, when the stock market crashed in October of 1929. Unemployment in the United States was at about 25% and everyone suffered. Around this time, Asian Americans were beginning to migrate to the United States in more significant numbers. The biggest groups of Asian Americans were Chinese, Japanese, Filipinos, Asian Indians, and Koreans. These Asian Americans immigrated to the United States as a source of cheap labor.

At this time, Asian Americans felt the impact of racism. They were not allowed to own land and were denied the legal right to citizenship, with the exception of the Filipino. Filipinos were the exception because they were colonial subjects. Although all Asian Americans experienced racism before the Great Depression, during the depression, it was felt even more, especially for Filipinos. Since the labor market was dwindling down, Americans throughout the West Coast began to violently drive out Asian American laborers. Filipinos were targeted the most since they began to arrive in significant numbers to America at this time. Since Filipinos were given the juridical status of U.S. nationals, it allowed them to move between the Philippines and the United States freely. This made the Filipino stand out from the other Asian Americans. Since it was so easy for them to move freely between their homeland and the United States, during the depression, the US government presented Filipinos with a chance to repatriate, or go back to their own country. This repatriation came with a price: if the Filipino went back to the Philippines, they would forfeit their right to reenter the United States. As expected, very few Filipinos took this opportunity, but there were a few cases reported of forced repatriation.

To prevent more Filipinos from migrating to the United States, the Tydings-McDuffie Act was passed in 1935. This act allowed the Philippines to be self-governed and gave Filipinos independence from the United States for ten years. Although it allowed Filipinos independence, it still allowed the United States to maintain their military forces in the Philippines. This slowed immigration from the Philippines to the United States since Filipinos were no longer free to come and go as they pleased. This act also changed the statuses of the Filipinos already living in the United States. Now they were seen as aliens and were no longer able to work legally in the United States. It changed the quota of immigrants from the Philippines to 50 immigrants per year.

The Tydings-McDuffie Act changed the immigration laws for Filipinos in an attempt to make labor more available to US citizens. Even though the Great Depression mainly affected the United States, it indirectly affected the Philippines as well. With less work available, cheap labor wasn’t needed as much, which changed Filipino immigration indefinitely.

By: N.N.

Sources:

http://www.novelguide.com/a/discover/egd_01/egd_01_00051.html

The First President of the Commonwealth

Manuel Luis Quezon y Molina (Manual L. Quezon) was the first President of the Commonwealth of the Philipines during U.S. colonial rule. Manuel Luis Quezon was taught Spanish at five years of age and Latin, religion, geography, and Spanish grammar by the time he was seven. Quezon had completed a Bachelor of Arts degree with the highest honors at 16 years of age while attending the Colegio of San Juan de Letran. He served as a major in Philippine-American War for independence. He went back to school following the surrender of Emilio Aguinaldo. He pursued a law degree at the University of Santo Tomas and passed the bar fourth in his class. In 1905, he successfully ran for governor of Tayabas and was elected as a representative in the first established Philippine Assembly after two years of his Governor term. During 1909 - 1916 he was the appointed as a Resident Commissioner to the US. His position only allowed him to speak in front of the US House of Representatives but not to vote in any matter. From a soldier to a politician he continually fought for Filipino independence, only now his voice was his weapon rather than a firearm. His Commissioner position allowed to fight diplomatically for Philippine Independence; his efforts, managed to pass the Jones Act. This act granted Philippine independence but without a specific date. independence but without a specific date.

In 1935 Quezon appointed General Douglas Macarthur the Field Marshal of the Philippine Army. In order to combat the potential threat the Japanese military who posed a Naval threat in the Pacific. Strange considering the Philippines desire to be an independent nation when giving control of the military to the Imperialist force. Quezon’s choice reflected his desire to strengthen the country before considering establishing an independent nation. On December 1937, President Quezon issued a proclamation declaring the adoption of a national language. Some can argue that the language “Filipino” sometimes referred to as “Tagalog” due to their similar natures created class divisions in the country since now the Filipino tribes who spoke other dialects would be classified as ethnic minorities. President Quezon held a direct vote on April 3, 1937 regarding the initiation of Women's Suffrage in the Philippines during his term. This would be the starting of point of Filipina politicians to run and eventually win the Presidential candidacy. Quezon also sought a second term following his first term despite the Philippine Constitution’s limit to one term. The ratification of the Constitution in 1940 allowed him to become re-elected. One could argue the Philippines starting to become Democracy modeled after their imperialist big brother. Quezon is the reason why a Independent Phillipines exists today as a united country instead of a commonwealth of separate tribes. As an educated, diplomatic civilized leader, Quezon became a role model for Filipinos from the homeland as well as on the U.S. mainland/Hawaii because of what he represented as a leader. He displayed Filipino nationalism but maintained his position as the President because he understood that in order for the Philippines to be Independent bloodshed must be avoided. He became the model for the modern Filipino combating the idea of the primitive, servile tribesman. He maintained that in order for the U.S. to view the Commonwealth as an Independent Nation they must show that they are capable of governing themselves as well as conducting their country in a civilized manner; what better way to show the U.S. than by adopting U.S. styled government and advocating for Independence by diplomatic means. He became the catalyst for modernization in the Philippines.

http://www.philippine-history.org/presidents.htm

http://bentley.umich.edu/research/guides/philippines/philint.php

http://philippines-archipelago.com/people/presidents/manuel_l_quezon.htm

Ty Tran Nguyen

Nursing Education of the Philippines

During the period of 1930-1945 the Nursing profession became the main reason for many Filipino women to pursue education in the Philippines as a result of the culture of migration. This occurred after the Spanish-American War (1898), which made all Filipinos American Nationals. The establishment of the nursing education in the Philippines at schools such as the National University in Manila allowed Filipinos to use their National status and work abroad as a result of the shortage of Nurses in America during a tuberculosis epidemic. The profession was greatly encouraged among women due to the way Filipinas tended to their families, their ability to nurture seemed applicable the job. The culture referred to is one of a series of narratives that promised wealth and opportunity abroad in the U.S. Though the largest migration of Filipino Female Nurses arrived in the United States during the 1960’s as a result of the immigration halt during WWII, the “brain drain” of Filipino Nurses occurred as early as the 1920’s. Many of these women would complete their Nursing degrees in the Philippines and take post graduate courses overseas while working as a nurse. During their stay they were able to support their families in the Philippines by sending their earnings back to the Philippines. To some degree the “land of opportunity” was realized by Filipino Nurses and Female Filipinos were able to reverse the gender roles of the breadwinner, which may have had a profound effect on Filipino politics regarding the success of the female politicians. Despite the large numbers of female Filipino Nurses there were also a handful of Filipino male nurses, and they faced less adversity when it came to enrolling in schools in the Philippines and prior to the war, in Spain as well.

The United States represented a once in a lifetime chance for Filipina women as they couldn’t attain the education denied to them anywhere else due to gender. The profession served as a stereotype that would rival the “model-minority” in its positive overtones and sinister undertones. The nurse became a way for Filipinos to be viewed as reliable, civilized, and dependable but at the same time servile and almost a commodity. The amount of female nurses slowly began creating a sphere of femininity concerning the occupational overtones of the profession. As less and less men were able to enter the profession the positive social hierarchy of the “brain drain” served to separate women and men in the Philippines but also in the States

Empire of Care. London: Duke University Press, 2003. 1-35. Print.

http://www.gettyimages.com/detail/53378881/Time-Life-Pictures?language=en-GB

http://photos.lapl.org/carlweb/jsp/DoSearch?databaseID=968&index=-1&initialsearch=true&count=10&finish=photosearch_pageADV.jsp&mode=manual&keyword=filipino+nurses&terms=//wfilipino+nurses&author=&Search=Search&after=&specific=&before=&lowdate=

Ty Tran Nguyen

Filipinos Maintained Hawaii's Economy

Prior to the Great Depression Hawaii and California required a constant supply of inexpensive manual labor. Hawaii’s economy depended on this labor to support their sugar plantations. Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association (HSPA) recruited Filipino laborers as well as Japanese and Korean plantation workers. Recruiters established recruitment centers in Vigan, Ilocos Sur, and the Cebu regions in the Philippines. Recruitment campaigns advertised the “land of opportunity” by using "success" stories of the first fifteen repatriated Tagalog Filipino sugar laborers in 1906. These successful Hawaiian Filipino or "Hawayanos" encouraged Filipino exodus; by the 1930s Filipinos had taken over the Japanese as the largest ethnic group of plantation workers on the Islands. During the early 1930s Great Depression resulted in a total of 7,300 Hawayanos being repatriated to the Philippines. Despite the amount of profit these plantations made from hard cheap migrant labor the Filipino Nationals remained expendable commodities. In 1935, the Tydings-McDuffie Law allowed the Philippine Commonwealth to undergo ten year transition into a Philippine independence. This however restricted immigration to fifty Filipinos coming to America annually.

Many of migrant workers worked in Hawaii to save money and live comfortably on their return home. Their dreams commonly consisted of purchasing homes and farmland, so they would be eligible bachelors for marriage. HSPA paid Filipino migrant workers the lowest wage in comparison to different ethnic groups on the sugar plantation. As a result importing Filipino laborers cost less for plantation owners but the poor wages and high expense of travel made it next to impossible for these pinoys to return home, those who didn’t remain permanent residents returned home decades later as senior citizens. Despite this discrimination in the workplace Filipinos were fortunate enough to be immune to exclusion laws that affected “Orientals” like the Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans. They were also commonly leverage against Japanese workers who threatened strikes as Filipino workers were paid less and would gladly work for equal wage under the same working conditions. The Filipinos also had difficulty working with their Japanese and Chinese co-workers as racism was rampant among both ethnic groups, which wasn’t helped by the language differences that further separated their groups from forming a joint union. Filipino workers used as a solution to weaken the resolve of ethnic workers, maintain higher profits, and ensure American cultural superiority. They were brought in the United States under the impression of opportunity and utilized as a commodity to maintain the Hawaiian economy.

Ty Tran Nguyen

http://opmanong.ssc.hawaii.edu/filipino/labor.html

http://www.ilwu.org/dispatcher/2006/10/damaso_oralhistory.cfm

Filipino Boxers in the 1930s: Idolized Heroes for The Filipino Bachelor Society

Decades before the #1 pound-for-pound boxer, Manny Pacquiao, exploded onto the U.S. boxing scene, Filipino Boxers were defending their national titles as boxing champions in the 1930s. In 1931, Diosdado Posadas a.k.a. "Speedy Dado" or "Brown Doll" was declared Bantamweight and Flyweight Champion. In 1935, Benjamin Gan a.k.a. "Small Montana" or "Filipino Flash" was proclaimed American Flyweight Champion, and at the end of the decade, Ceferino Garcia a.k.a. the Bolo Puncher became 1939 American Middleweight Champion. Just as millions of Filipinos in the U.S. vigilantly watch the Pacman's epic fights in crowded bars or massive Filipino gatherings, Filipino immigrant workers in the 30s fanatically followed these Filipino boxing champions in mainstream and Filipino newspapers; some would even travel hundreds of miles to cheer them on live (Fajardo, 456). The Filipino boxing champion was not simply a symbol of pride for the Philippines, but also a champion for the oppressed Filipino bachelor society in the States.

In the midst of racial discrimination, where even in boxing rings crowd members would yell out, "Kill that Monkey!" Filipino immigrant workers could resist racist efforts that sought to dehumanize and oppress them. Asian-American studies scholar, Kale Fajardo, simply states they could, "feel good about being Filipino men, have fun with their friends, brothers, and comrades, and literally have a champion working for and representing them" (Fajardo, 456). Filipino workers possessed few things to feel good about in the 1930s. They were underpaid and exploited for their labor, and they were violently discriminated against during anti-Filipino hate crimes like the Watsonville Riots. However, at boxing matches Filipino bachelors could finally "feel good about being Filipino men" for Filipino boxers were fighting in public matches in the U.S. and beating both international and American boxers. For example, legendary Filipino boxers like Ceferino Garcia won 102 matches and had 67 Knockouts. He not only won the World Middleweight championship but successfully defended the title three times against the best boxers in the world. Even though the Filipino immigrant worker was continuously oppressed, he could rise from oppression through the successes of his boxing heroes.

As a predominant bachelor society, socially constructed by the demands of white America, the most gratifying means of rising out of oppression was by reclaiming masculine identity. Since labor recruiters would primarily hire young Filipino men based on assumptions that they would be the most effective labor, Filipino men were usually void of the companionship of Filipina women. Also, Filipino men were prohibited from marrying women outside of their race because of anti-miscegenation laws. Moreover, Filipino immigrants who did not work as farmers, were typically domestic workers which was a normative practice for females. Thus, when Fajardo states that Filipino male workers can feel good about being a Filipino men it carries so much weight for the Filipino Bachelor Society in the 1930s.

Given very little agency, Filipino male workers found avenues to move out of their restrictive lives. Through the exploration of cultural figures/objects like Filipino boxing champions, McIntosh suits, or Yo-Yos we can better understand how the Filipino bachelor society formed an identity of confident masculine fighters, continually battling against the social norms that seek to oppress them.

By: M.L.

Sources:

http://boxrec.com/list

Fajardo, Kale Bantigue. "Working Class Masculinities." American Quarterly (2007): 451-58. Project Muse. Wed. 29 Nov. 2009.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ceferino_Garcia

The Battle of Manila (1945)

In the early months of 1945, the Battle of Manila took place in the capital of the Philippines. This battle between the Japanese and Americans led to the second most devastated city affected by World War II. Although the battle only lasted one month, it ruined the city of Manila and resulted in the death of 100,000 Filipino civilians. Even though all these lives were lost, the battle ended the three years of Japanese military occupation in the Philippines.

On February 3, 1945, American forces were surrounding the outskirts of the capital. The American forces accounted for amounted in about 35,000 men. As the American forces surrounded the outskirts, Japanese General Yamashita ordered a withdrawal from the city, and during the process, destroyed bridges and spaces that could have helped advance American forces. Yamashita and his forces moved towards Luzon, where the final battle occurred.

Although Yamashita ordered his troops to retreat out of Manila, 10,000 Japanese marines, led by Vice Admiral Iwabuchi, disobeyed his orders and stayed in Manila. Since these Japanese troops remained in Manila, General MacArthur had no choice but to deploy artillery to destroy the Japanese held section of Manila. This upset the Japanese troops, who in turn took their frustration out on the civilians. These Japanese troops brutally executed women, children, and men in Manila, all while defending against American troops. The death toll rose up to an estimated 100,000 civilians. This was known as the Manila Massacre.

The Intramuros, a fortress-like structure area protected by high walls located in along the southern bank of the Pasig River, played a key role in the Japanese defense in Manila. This is where 4,000 civilians were held hostage between February 23 and February 28. The American troops used artillery to fight against the Japanese and to save the civilians. The high walls, stone ramparts, underground edifices all provided an excellent source of protection against it. In the end, less than 3,000 civilians escaped. The Japanese soldiers killed the other 1,000 civilians, and a few hostages died during the American fighting. Finally, on March 3^rd, the last of the Japanese resistance was destroyed by heavy artillery.

On March 4^th, the Intramuros was finally secured, which meant that Manila was officially liberated from the Japanese occupation. Although this was a moment to celebrate, the city of Manila was destroyed and the battle resulted in 1,010 US soldiers dead and 5,565 soldiers wounded. Although it lasted only a month, the Battle of Manila is remembered as the worst urban fighting and Manila was the second most devastated city in World War II.

By: N.N.

Sources: Connaughton, R. "Battle for Manila" 2002. Random House Publishing.

Sandler, S. "World War II in the Pacific: An Encyclopedia" 2000.

1934 & 1938 Salinas Strike: Fil-Am Unionism

After WWI, Filipinos were heavily imported into the U.S. as labor workers. Many of these Filipino immigrants worked in either the agricultural sectors throughout California or within the cannery industries throughout Seattle and Alaska. Filipino men dominated almost the enter population of the Fil-Am workforce due to the immigration restrictions placed upon Filipina women. By 1930, Filipinos made up about 15 percent of the California's farm laborers. The Filipino men who worked during the 1930s worked in what was a bachelor society-- this enabled the Filipino laborer to travel cheaply and easily throughout the U.S. without any familial ties.

In addition to the limited women, Filipino workers were deprived of equal pay, working opportunities, and social desires of equality. Thus, Filipino farm-and-cannery-worker immigrants were living a "Social Death." The inability for Filipinos to assimilate into American society coerces Philippine immigrants to live a "Social Death" which is similar to what African Americans had experienced. Americans desired Filipinos to live in terms of supplying capitalism's labor demands. However, Americans expected Filipinos to remain invisible within society. Intermarriage, higher education, and employment advancements were some of the deprivations that Filipinos experienced during the 1930s.

Racial justice and equality were in the hearts of many Filipino Americans throughout the 1930s. Living under poor socio-economic standards, Filipino Americans demanded that their wages and working conditions be improved through the development of unions. Organized in 1933, the Cannery Worker's and Farm Labor Unions played a significant role in the development of Fil-Am activism and organization.

A major display of Fil-Am activism can be seen in the 1934-1936 Salinas Lettuce Strikes. Filipino lettuce workers organized the Filipino Labor Union (FLU) and demanded for better working conditions and union recognition through strikes. (The AFL also participated in the strikes.) Both FLU and AFLs' strikes were successfully the first time and were able to set a negotiation time and date with the owners and shippers of the lettuce industry.

What is unveiled about California's history is that during the negotiation amongst owners, shippers, and laborers, vigilantes broke down the strikes by burning down Filipino labor camps. The strike efforts were dismissed and forgotten. Furthermore, in 1936, lettuce owners hired 3000 vigilantes to beat the laborers when they refused to work under the owner's poor conditions and contract.

Despite the fact that Filipinos ended up brutally injured from their signs of protest, the Salinas Lettuce Strike was a stepping stone for labor movements after. The strike served as a mark for Filipino activism and organization regarding racial justice and equality.

By: A.T.

Sources:
Solomon, L. "Filipinos Build a Movement for Justice in the Asparagus Fields" 1994. Third Force. Vol.2, no. 4. pg 3. http://www.honors.ucr.edu/files/SUHP2003/SUHP2003_Filipino_Labor.pdf

The Struggles in California. Farm Workers Website. http://www.farmworkers.org/strugcal.html

The Manong Generation: Paving the Way for Future Filipino-Americans

“Manong” is an Ilokano word meaning “older brother”. The manong generation was just that, they were older the brothers, examples, and role models for those who followed in their footsteps in their quest for a better life in America. The term manong is used to show our respect and admiration for those who were courageous enough to leave their families and the familiarities that they left behind in the Philippines. The manongs immigrated during the 1920s and 30s and were the first wave of Filipinos to come to the United States.

The United States was viewed as a beacon of success, wealth, and opportunities – all aspects that were absent in the Philippines due to the economic, social, and political hardships that many people faced. While many struggled to make ends meet, only the brave were daring enough to migrate to the land of opportunity, where they can receive an education, obtain a job, and gain wealth. The manongs populated the states of Hawaii, California, Washington, and Alaska. They all hoped that they could return home to provide for their families financially.


However, life in America didn’t equate to their idea of instant wealth. The racial conflicts and socioeconomic conditions of the US made it difficult for the manongs to fulfill their dreams of “making it big”. Employment opportunities that the manongs had hoped to obtain were not at all as glamorous as they had thought. They resorted to taking up jobs as dishwashers, busboys, domestic workers, factory workers in canneries, and workers on farms. Some worked for wages as little as 10 cents an hour for 10 hours a day.

In addition, the manongs came at one of the worst times for the US economy. The United States experienced economic difficulties when the stock market crashed on October 29, 1929. This was the start of the Great Depression and the continuance of mistreatment towards the immigrant Filipinos. Many places had put up signs saying, “No Filipinos Allowed,” prohibiting manongs from obtaining jobs and a place to hang out. Life got harder and harder – loneliness, despair, alcoholism, and addiction to gambling plagued some manongs. In addition, laws had been passed in order to prevent interracial marriage, which caused a lot of violence and arrests of Filipinos who were found intermingling with white American women. Some men lived above the law and had families despite the laws prohibiting them from doing so.

For others, starting a family in the US was nearly unfeasible. Many had waited years, and even decades, to marry a woman and start a family. Because of this, Filipino men were having children as old as 81 years old. Some went back to the Philippines to rekindle flames from former loves. Some had women throwing themselves at them. Often times, the appeal of these men was their US citizenship and a fast way to a green card and access to the United States.

The manongs had a profound impact on Filipino Americans in America and abroad. Not only were they the first to explore the United States but they also provided Filipinos with ideas, stories, and images of what to expect from this new world. They were unselfish and shared their stories of triumph and failures in order for others to learn from their experiences. They provided a foundation that future Filipinos could build upon. The manongs made it known to the Americans of the Filipinos’ presence.

Written by: LD

Source:
http://personal.anderson.ucla.edu/eloisa.borah/EarlyImages.htm
http://www.littlemanila.net/resources/comin_of_age/
http://kasamakitchen.com/manongs.html

Hawaiian Sugar Plantation Association (HSPA): Against Immigration Quotas

Under the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934, Filipino-Americans were challenged with immigration quotas and the decrease in labor opportunities. The Tydings-McDuffie Act granted the Philippines its "independence" and reclassified Filipinos as aliens even if the Philippines was a U.S. Commonwealth. In addition, the act allotted for only 5o Filipinos to annually immigrate to the United States legally.

Due to the restriction put on immigration, a threat was put on the supply of cheap labor forces needed within agricultural sector. To many plantation owners, Filipino laborers were a great commodity in regards to hard work and and good work ethics. Thus, the immigration restriction made it almost impossible for Filipino-Americans already living in the U.S. to petition their loved ones and family members. This accentuates the inability for many of the laborers to develop of connect with their families. In other words, Filipino hopes of family reunification were shattered.

Another threat to plantation owners was the Repatriation Act of 1935. Having experienced the hard way of life with low wages, long hours, and no family, the conditions of the Repatriation Act became a good alternative option to numerous Filipinos. The Repatriation Act created a movement of about 1,990 Filipino laborers back to the Philippines since free passage back to their homeland was offered.

According to an article published in a Times Magazine article from 1938, "RACES: A Filipino Plop," many Filipino men did not want to go home without assurance of making a living. However, many Americans felt that they many Filipinos were a threat to White women because of the hyper-sexualized image of Filipino men.

What do the Hawaiian Sugar Plantation Association (HSPA) have to do with Filipino quotas and immigration policies?

The HSPA was an political agricultural organization that lobbied against the restrictions of Tydings-McDuffie and Repatriation Act of 1935. This was done in favor of plantation owner interests in capitalist markets, efficiency, and profits. The HSPA were successfully given an exemption against these immigration restrictions and were able to continue the cheap supply of Filipino labor up until WWII. This helps to explain why 23% of Hawaii's population consists of Filipino and how Filipinos have made a legacy of earnings and entrepreneurship in the paradise islands.

Although Filipinos were able to stay in the Hawaiian Islands, the HSPA advocated for Filipino immigration rights solely for the intention of profit. The HSPA used ethnicity ties against their laborers in order to keep wages low. For example, Okinawans would be given higher positions that could be used against Filipinos in order to create tension amongst the races and to keep the pay down. Another example is that White workers would be paid $140/mo. where Filipino workers would be worked long hours for $20/ mo. Furthermore, it was to the HSPA's advantage to keep Filipino workers working in their fields. In inability of racial equality for Filipinos enabled plantation associations to use their lobbying power in order to exploit the hierarchical labor system that was present long before 1930s.

By: A.T.

Sources:
"Races: A Philippine Plop." Time Magazine. Published October 03, 1938. http://www.time.co/time/magazine/article/0,9171,760236,00.html
"Plantation Life. The Philippine History Website. http://opmanong.ssc.hawaii.edu/filipino/plantation.html

The Watsonville Riots: White Man Rage Over the Little Brown Brothers

The Watsonville Riot of 1930 was one of the worst racial clashes in California’s history. What caused the Watsonville riots? It was the culmination of many emotions and social issues: jealousy, racism, and sex being the main topics of discussion. To think that the Watsonville Riot was the very first incident of racial clashing between Filipinos and the white Americans, one would be mistaken.

California agriculture is heavily reliant on cheap, imported labor. Many Filipinos in California were lettuce pickers and few of these laborers were women. Since most of the field workers were men, the “little brown brothers” admired the white women that they encountered, and the feeling was mutual. Upon observing this, the white men grew jealous, angry, and threatened. Suddenly, their position in the social hierarchy is challenged. How could their women be attracted to people of a different color and lower social standing?

Anti-Filipino attitudes continued to grow in strength. 500 white American youths started to protest outside a dance hall in Palm Beach. This dance hall was opened to accommodate the Filipino population in the Monterey Bay area. Other incidences leading up to Watsonville Riot include vigilantes patrolling and shooting rubber bands at Filipinos who were escorting white women to a street dance, California senators and representatives’ agreement on an exclusion of Filipino farm labor, stoning of Filipinos working in the fields, brutal fights over women, hit and run driving incidents, and sexual assault.

The Watsonville riot lasted for five days, January 18th to the 25th. Many Filipinos were dragged out of their homes and brutally beaten, some were thrown off the Pajaro River Bridge. Hunting parties were organized; stabbings, shootings, and attacks on ranches and farms were made. Hundreds of Filipinos were victims of these horrendous attacks. The most famous example of “white man rage” is Fermin Tobera, who was shot in the heart when he was hiding in a closet with 11 others to escape the rounds of bullets that were aimed towards a bunkhouse in Murphy Ranch.

These events made it evident of the turmoil between the United States and the Philippines. Farm owners no longer desired to have imported Asian labor and replaced them with immigrants from Mexico. This caused Filipino immigration to decline significantly. In addition, the Tydings-McDuffie Act reduced Filipino immigration to 50 a year; this was in part to reduce the Filipino population in America.

The violence towards Filipinos spread to other parts of California like San Jose and San Francisco. Filipino hangouts were blown up and threats of violence were made towards Filipino workers and their employers. Many Filipinos fled the country; those that stayed faced the challenges of being a minority in America. News of the riots made way to the Philippines and there were protests in solidarity for their people in America, the body of Fermin Tobera was sent to Manila, where they consider him a martyr, is seen as a symbol of the Filipinos fight for independence and equality.

There weren’t only negative outcomes that resulted from the riots. Seven months after the Watsonville Riots, Filipino lettuce pickers carried out a successful strike in Salinas for better treatment. In addition, although their relationships were frowned upon, white women and Filipino men continued their relationships and some relationships resulted in marriage.

Written by: LD

Source:
http://www.modelminority.com/joomla/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=271:remembering-the-watsonville-riots-&catid=40:history&Itemid=56
http://us_asians.tripod.com/timeline-1930.html
http://conradsplayspace.blogspot.com/2007/09/1930-watsonville-riots.html

Filipino immgrant workers: Reinvented in McIntosh Suits

A bachelor society of immigrant workers, Filipino men constituted 94% of the Filipino population in the U.S. mainland in the 1930s (Espana-Maram, 19). As Asian American Studies scholar Linda Espana-Maram describes, Filipinos were laborers in "some of the most exploitative sectors." They worked back-breaking jobs such as working in lettuce fields for eight to ten hours a day with an hourly wage of 15 cents (Espana-Maram, 18). Though they came to the U.S. as American nationals, Filipinos were not treated as such. Before even setting foot on U.S. soil, Filipinos sung patriotic American songs, were fluent in English, and idolized famous Hollywood stars, but they were racially discriminated against and seen as, "working-class brown hordes" (Espana-Maram, 122). For Filipino immigrant workers in the 1930s, a life apart from the oppressive laborious jobs was an endeavor they actively sought. They found a life of excitement and culture in the taxi dance halls. At taxi dance halls, Filipinos "developed a dynamic subculture" where they "paid to dance with women in timed, ritualized sequences" (Espana-Maram, 122). Filipinos resisted images of dirty, poor laborers and transformed into suave, charming men who devoutly sported the McIntosh suit. Through the images of the man in the McIntosh suit, who was suave and danced well, Filipino men formed a vibrant masculine identity that not only caught the attention of white women but evoked a strong resentment amongst white men.

The image of the charismatic Filipino immigrant dressed in his expensive McIntosh suit is a typical image associated to Filipino men of the taxi dance halls in the 1930s. The McIntosh suit is "expensive formal attire with padded shoulders and wide lapels worn by some of Hollywood's most famous men like William Powell" (Espana-Maram, 123). The Filipinos' strong desire for a "form-fitted" McIntosh influenced companies like the Calderon Co. to advertise their shops with displays promoting, "custom-built Hollywood clothes" (Espana-Maram, 123). It is important to note the Filipinos' adamant desire to purchase the McIntosh suit. Filipino men in the 1930s wouldn't sport any other suit than the McIntosh suit. "Frank Coloma recalled that whenever he went out, 'I [he] always wore the very best suit- McIntosh suit'" (Espana-Maram, 123). As Maram points out, "Filipino laborers subverted icons of white-middle class American masucilinity" as Filipino identities of "asexual laborers in the dirty, tattered overalls," transformed through their chic dress (Espana-Maram, 129).

While scholars like Lucy Burns focus on the corporeal performing body and the social space of the taxi dance hall in analyzing the Filipino bachelor society, the focus on the ability to dress and convey images of the Filipino American aesthetic also underscores the potential for a form of agency for the images of Filipinos in America. As acts of violence like the Watsonville Riots inflicted upon Filipinos have shown us, visible vibrant images of minority groups can not only subvert the stereotypes of white American icons in mainstream culture- in claiming an identity of white-male Hollywood for lives of Filipino immigrants- but can become subverted as dominant white America uses such images to drive their racial animosities. The Filipino escapes invisibility as just another migrant laborer through distinct dress, but becomes more vulnerable to the reception of white America.


By: M.L.

Sources:
Espana-Maram, Linda. Creating Masculinity in Los Angeles's Little Manila Working-Class Filipinos and Popular Culture in the United States (Popular Cultures, Everday Lives). New York: Colombia UP, 2006. Print.

Espana-Maram, Linda. "Brown 'Hordes' in McIntosh Suits Filipinos Taxi Dance Halls, and Performing the Immigrant Body in Los Angeles. 1930s-1940s. "Generations of Youth: Youth Cultures and History in Twentieth-Century America. New York: New York UP, 1998. Print.

Inventor of Flores Yo-Yo: A Philippine Immigrant defying odds in the Great Depression

Though it was a popular toy, dating back from ancient histories in China and Greece, the actual yo-yo, as we know it today, did not actually revolutionize and gain popularity in the United States til the 1920s-1930s. The inventor of the "sleeping" yo-yo was Pedro Flores, a Philippine immigrant from Vintarilocos Norte. After reading an article about a man who sold a ball attached to a rubber band for a million dollars, Flores was reminded of the Philippine game, yo-yo, he used to play as a kid and started his own business.

Flores established his Yo-Yo Manufacturing company in Santa Barbara in 1928. He hosted yo-yo competitions across the nation and fueled the yo-yo craze in the U.S. with the distribution of the "Wonder Toy," the Flores Yo-Yo. In spite of the economic turmoil brought by the Great Depression, the Flores Yo-Yo possessed a strong appeal amongst children as prices ranged from 15 cents to a 1.50 each. The vast popularity of the yo-yo caught the attention of wealthy businessman, Donald F. Duncan.

In 1930, Duncan's company bought out Pedro Flores' yo-yo for a quarter of a million dollars. While Flores practically reached the success of that story of the millionaire who sold a ball attached to a rubber band, Flores, a former bellboy at a hotel in Santa Barbara, never expected to make a fortune from his invention. He was quoted saying, "I just want to be working for myself. I have been working for other people for practically all my life and I don't like it."
At a time when Filipino immigrants were usually migrant laborers or domestic workers who were racially discriminated against, as villainous creatures that took white people's jobs and women, the story of Pedro Flores defies the normative practices of Filipino immigrants in the early 1930s. Flores did not only receive $250, 000 from Duncan for his trademark yo-yo, but he also continued to work with Duncan as a key promoter for yo-yo contests and campaigns. Lucky Meisenheimer, MD, notes that, "Especially during 1931-32, Mr. Flores was instrumental in setting up many of the promotions in the cities where the early Duncan contests were being held." As a Filipino immigrant who was living in a racially segregated America in 1930s, where urban areas in California posted signs like "Absolutely No Filipinos Allowed," Flores had social mobility even within cities. Despite racial prejudices against Filipinos, Duncan saw Flores as an "instrumental" part of the growth of the Duncan Yo-Yo company.

It seems as if the intrinsic appeal of the yo-yo, absolved Flores of racial issues. Yet, there is also the possibility that the histories illustrated at national yo-yo museums and American books have hidden the truth of Flores' struggles in the industry. Though there is a lack of scholarly/literary work on how Flores defied the constraints of racial discrimination, academic scholars like Cynthia Liu have made efforts to excavate this forgotten moment in history. In her documentary, World On A String, set for release in 2009, Liu revisits the life of Pedro Flores and his business partner, Joe Rodavan and retells authentic accounts of their life stories from the standpoints of Flores' friends and families in the Philippines.

By: M.L.

Sources:

Duncan YoYo Website
http://www.yo-yo.com/history.asp#

National Yo-Yo Museum
http://www.nationalyoyo.org/museum/pedroflores.htm

World On A String
http://worldonastringyoyo.com/index.php

The Philippine-American Chronicle

The Philippine-American Chronicle was a bi-weekly Seattle newspaper that was published from 1935-1936. Some of the topics the paper addressed were lives of Filipino laborers, various union campaigns, the solidarity of the Filipino community. In specific, the Philippine-American Chronicle provided information regarding local Cannery Workers and Farm Laborers Union (CWFLU), American Federation of Labor (AFL), as well as different acts passed that would affect the Filipino immigrant community.

Moreover, Philippine American Chronicle harbored so much information that cratered towards farm and cannery laborers. The paper acted as a resource and informant for Filipino-Americans within the America's tough labor society. Other issues that the paper addressed were the demands for higher wages, the formation of Filipino unions, as well as the desire for better working conditions. The paper would print articles and speeches during every campaign encouraging Filipino unity and full support to the CWFLU. The articles published in the Philippine American Chronicle shows political organization within the Filipino community in Seattle. It also showed how determined the CWFLU was in uniting Filipino laborers in order to fight for better wages and working conditions.

Since the paper had only a life span of two years, a major topic that was discussed in the paper was the passing of the Repatriation Bill by the House of Representatives. An estimated of 15,000 to 30,000 Filipinos were interested in returning to the Philippines due to trouble adjusting to American life or difficultly finding work. The main significance of the paper was to educate, inform, and unite Filipinos about the current labor crises and problems occurring throughout the U.S.

In addition, the paper also related information from the Philippines to Filipino-Americans. At least two articles about current events in the Philippines appeared in almost every issue of the paper. Three of the most pressing issues were the new constitution of the Philippines, the defense of the Philippine Islands form China and Japan, and trade relations between the Philippines and America.

The Philippine-American Chronicle had a very pro-constitution stance, where the proposed Philippine constitution, amendment, bills, and commentary were published. In a sense, the Philippine-American Chronicle enabled the Fil-Am community to participate and generate thoughts of the political concerns of the home country. Other issues that the paper covered were the Japanese and Chinese threats, American presence and protection, trading relationships with the U.S., and usage of Philippine raw materials. In addition to labor, Philippine, and national news, there were articles written in Tagalog as well as news various universities in Washington.

Furthermore, the inclusion of these articles and topics gave the Filipino living in Seattle information about the state of labor, and most importantly, a sense of community. The information published brought awareness to many Filipinos regarding equality, rights, immigration, and status. The Philippine-American Chronicle is only one of many papers published by Filipinos, and it reflects the progress of Filipino-American communities.

By: A.T.

Sources:
Stotts-Johnson, Rache. "The Philippine-American Chronicle." The Labor Press Project.
http://depts.washington.edu/labhist/laborpress/Philippine-American_Chronicle.htm